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Nepal
Nepal's Democracy: Paradise lost? by Bhuwan Thapaliya In Nepal, you become Prime Minister because the King elects you. This is not democracy. This is a textbook example of autocracy. The Prime Minister will remain in the office as long as he is supported by the King. When the King pulls the chain off he has to go. The Prime Minister is only the puppet dancing to the tunes of the monarch. However, the Rana Prime Ministers had kept Nepal’s kings virtual prisoners, using the king’s divine status to legitimize their own rule. Today, it seems the Maoists are following the Rana’s path. They are making the King an absolute monarch to whitewash the political parties and legitimize their own rule. It’s a remarkable transformation. One thing is clear: the Maoists have shaken Nepal like no force since the great earthquake of 1990. Over the past few years the country has witnessed in dismay, severe political greed and exceptional deception. No matter how we look at it, it would be premature to dismiss the mainstream political parties just because they are detested due to nepotism, favoritism and hyper corruption; they still have plenty of supporters in and outside the capital. The shaky coalition governments endemic is Nepali politics have denied the nation the strong, visionary leadership it needs to move ahead. The succession of revolving-door prime ministers in recent years has made the situation worse. Furthermore, the King’s consciousness is not clear. If you don’t have a clear conscience, no matter what you do, you will be forever suspected. He allowed himself to be seen as a king who under the grasp of the constitutional monarchy loves to exercise absolute power by widening the Nepali political abyss. Yet, keeping the public muzzled, a course preferred by the king and the government, doesn’t help solve the country’s main problems. The government seems unclear about the shape that anarchy will soon take. They show no sign of knowing how to cope the sputtering fuse. They must move with caution, care and deep concern about the impact of their actions. Many observers also felt that some in Mr. Deuba’s new cabinet lack adequate qualifications for their jobs. Such flaws in the set-up tend to produce a lame government. The country’s elected leaders are solely responsible for defending and developing its fledging democracy. We need leaders skilled in political negotiations and sensitive to the sentiments and needs of the common people. That’s the reality. But that’s only part of the story. The Nepali Government is giving greater power to the military, whose member themselves are often responsible for criminal actives -- a self-defeating proposition. It’s simply not realistic to expect the Army to banish themselves from national affairs. Like any other group, they have a right to raise their voice. In fact, denying them a voice may encourage them to think that they are not the part of the society. Yet, they need to avoid the mistake of thinking they can govern civil society better than the civilians. Such a mindset will hurt their very organization and Nepal as a whole in the long run. The Army is, and has always been, a major force in Nepal. This is a basic reality that must be acknowledged. Unfortunately, in the last few years, it has tended to be a force for strife rather than the stability. In fact, good government is the best defense against militarization. Unfortunately, many of Nepal’s leading politicians seem to demonstrate less capability than cupidity. "We are afraid of the future, because of the decrease in jobs and the increase in prices," says Richa Shrestha, a post graduate student of commerce. "I have been looking for a stable job but I cannot find one," she says. There are thousands like her who are facing an uncertain future due to the state of the Nation. Who is to blame for the present state of affairs in Nepal? How can Nepal be rescued before it becomes another emblem of a failed state? "Everyone is fed up with this anarchy," says Kumud Nepal, a vegetable vendor in Kathmandu. He laments the rudderless government and curses the Maoists for this impasse. Yet riding on the wave of optimism, he still has high hopes for the change. Worse than the conflict and the blood-soaked statistics is the growing fear on the both sides that nothing will improve. Every time we get nearer to peace talks, a new problem surfaces. The last thing Nepal needs now, of course, is peace. The only question is under what circumstances King, political parties and the Maoists would feel compelled to use their nukes of harmony for the nation. On balance, productive collaboration between the three parties is the cry of this hour. The country’s political revolution has already sprung its share of surprises. Now comes the toughest part: turning newly unleashed aspirations into reality while maintaining order. Nepal simply cannot afford this stage of anarchy if it is to begin the tortuous process of rehabilitating herself. There can be no acceptable military solution to the conflict in Nepal. The only way to peace is through negotiations conducted with the willingness to break the impasse. There is no time left for petty bargaining. The situation calls for a courageous effort for a radical change in the entire political concept. If anarchy is to be averted, it must be done quickly. One sure way to resolve the current impasse between major political parties, king and the Maoists would be to build the bridge of trust between them and narrow the widening gaps of the fidelity before Nepal loses her authenticity. Otherwise, Nepalese civilization will be doomed. |
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